Many of us vaguely remember the word “hacktivism” from a decade ago. This was a time before seriousransomware attacksdominated current cybersecurity concerns, when certain hacking techniques were being used to send political messages to governmental and corporate entities.
Hacktivism has sinceretreatedas a form of protest, in part due to theprosecutionof prominent hacktivists, sometimes with what appear to be disproportionatelysevere sentences. But with the ongoing pandemicrestrictingphysical protestsglobally, andnew billsbeing drawn up to curb offline protest, it looks as if hacktivism may be set for a return.
My researchinto hacktivism and cybercrime helps place hacktivism in its historical context – from which we can understand how, where and why hackers may soon resort once again to digital protest across the world.
Hacktivism may have reached its peak a decade ago, but it’s been a feature of online activism since theearly popularisationof the internet. Major hacktivist groups, such as theElectronic Disturbance Theater, theElectrohippiesandHacktivismo, were already active in the late 1990s.At the time, they supported theZapatistamovement in Mexico, protested global wealth inequality and flagged security issues in popular software.
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Even traditional activist groups – such asGreenpeaceand the German anti-racist collectiveKein Mensch ist illegal– were known to use hacktivist protest tactics long before its rise to global prominence.
In fact, Kein Mensch ist illegal led a “collective blockade” of Lufthansa’s website in 2001 toprotestthe airline’s cooperation with the German government’s deportation policies.A Frankfurt Appeals courtwould eventually rule that this hacktivist activity amounted to freedom of expression – not criminal activity – but this legal precedent was not followed by courtselsewhere.
Hacktivism’s heyday
Hacktivism began attracting global attention whenAnonymous– a loose collective of hackers, politicized internet users, trolls and pranksters – decided to focus on political issues. The collective targeted theChurch of Scientologyfor censoring online content in 2008, and mobilized to protect whistleblower websites such asWikiLeaksin 2010, amongvarious otheractions with national and international implications. The activities of Anonymous would eventually lead major cybersecurity companies to characterize 2011 as the “year of the hacktivist”.
Soon, hacktivist groups were springing up across the world. Anonymous itself sported many national branches, and these groups contributed to common political struggles at the same time as weighing in during local uprisings. For instance, Anonymous took down dozens of theEgyptian government’s websitesin 2012 during the Arab Spring protests.
This explosion in hacktivist activity did not go unpunished, despite the hacktivist claim that online protest isas validas offline protest. Some hacktivists were found to violate cybercrime laws, such as the UK’sComputer Misuse Act 1990, and various protesters were prosecuted and convicted inthe UKandthe US.
Perhaps the most high-profile prosecution was that of the American internet wonder-kidAaron Swartz, who’d bypassed university cybersecurity safeguards in anattempt to downloadand make public an entire database of academic papers. Swartzdied by suicidein the lead up to his trial, bringing US cybercrime laws and theiraggressive enforcementinto question.
Nevertheless, cybercrime laws have onlyintensifiedin the years since, forcing hacktivists into a retreat. But their tactics remain effective and, given that the pandemic has restricted our capability to conduct physical protestsworldwide, hacktivism could soon be redeployed as an alternative way of expressing dissent in the post-COVID era.
Hacktivist tactics
Traditionally, hacktivists have tried to mimic offline forms of protest and civil disobedience, but in the online space. They’ve used website defacements, often called “internet graffiti”, to scrawl political messages on targeted websites. Anddenial of service(DoS) attacks, which are designed to overwhelm a website with traffic in order to make it crash, are also common. Hacktivists often call these virtual sit-ins.
In contrast to internet graffiti, which can be facilitated by a single skilled hacker, virtual sit-ins require mass participation. That makes these protests far more democratically legitimate and impactful – as well as sharing the criminal liability among the virtual protesters.
I’ve highlighted thepositive aspectsof these tactics in my research, praising how they bring citizen dissent into the online environment while globalizing important political causes. But virtual sit-ins also have financial implications for the attacked organisations andsystems. Meanwhile, some commentators have criticized hacktivism as a form of empty “slacktivism” which they say isn’t comparable to the political conscientiousness and resolution of street protests.
Although hacktivism in principle is all about promotingsocially beneficial causeswhile minimizing harms, it can also become muddled with a less justifiable vigilantist rationale. For example, Anonymous members have in the past exposed the personal details of individuals such aspolice officers, which puts them and their families at risk. Meanwhile, the hacktivist groupLulzsechas been known to target big organisations for the sake of the challenge, rather than for a political purpose. Finally,nationalist hacktivistshave historically been involved in cross-border hacker wars which has, in some cases, escalated into real-world violence.
Hacktivism’s revival?
Irrespective of these criticisms, one can’t help but think that in the new post-pandemic era, with all of us spending muchmore time online, these political tactics could become popular again across the political spectrum. In fact, there have already beenactivitiesthat indicate hacktivism may be becoming a side-tactic for groups such asExtinction Rebellion, which has been reconsidering its future tactics in light of restrictions andpreemptive arrests.
Hacktivism never went away entirely. Anonymous did in fact reemerge during the summer 2020Black Lives Matterprotests, targeting police forces’ websites with hacks. But we’re still in a transitional period, with organised hacktivist efforts far less common than they were a decade ago.
Yet the stage seems set for a third wave of hacktivism. New protest movements are gradually gaining traction with the public, and hacktivist activity could make for a popular alternative to in-person civil disobedience in a period when many of us are still concerned about COVID-19 transmission.
Asenvironmentalandanti-discriminationmovements grow internationally, and their underlying goalsunite citizenson a global scale, it’ll be fascinating to see whether hacktivist tactics can seriously contribute to galvanizing change in an increasingly politicized world.
This article byVasileios Karagiannopoulos, Reader in Cybercrime and Cybersecurity,University of Portsmouth, is republished fromThe Conversationunder a Creative Commons license. Read theoriginal article.
Story byThe Conversation
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